Frantz Fanon's The Wretched of the Earth
Colonialism, Infrastructure and Superstructure,Decolonization, and Global Capitalism
This Blog Task is assigned by Dr. Megha Trivedi Ma'am which contains:
Guiding questions:
(1) What does Fanon mean when he says “the infrastructure is also the superstructure” in colonialism?
(2) How does decolonization fit into a larger global-capitalist picture?
1. Historical and Intellectual Introduction
Fanon wrote in the middle of the twentieth century, when most of Africa, large parts of Asia, and the Caribbean were still ruled directly from European capitals. To understand his ideas, it helps to see the world he was writing about, not just the book itself.
The Colonial World Fanon Inherited
• European imperialism: from the sixteenth century onward, European powers (Britain, France, Spain, Portugal, Belgium, the Netherlands) built overseas empires for trade, land, and strategic power.
• The Scramble for Africa (1880s–1914): European powers divided almost the entire African continent among themselves at conferences such as Berlin (1884–85), with no African representation.
• Racial hierarchy: colonial rule was justified through theories of racial superiority that placed Europeans above the colonised, a hierarchy Fanon later shows is not just an idea but an economic arrangement.
• Economic exploitation: colonies supplied raw materials (cotton, rubber, minerals, cash crops) to European industry and bought back manufactured goods, a one-way relationship of extraction.
• Dispossession: land was seized from indigenous communities for plantations, mines, and settler farms, displacing existing systems of ownership and livelihood.
• Colonial administration: law courts, police, and bureaucracies were built to protect settler property and authority, not to serve the colonised equally.
• Cultural domination: colonial education, religion, and language policy taught that European civilisation was the standard of value and that local cultures were backward.
• Anti-colonial resistance: uprisings, strikes, and political movements existed from the earliest days of colonial rule and grew steadily stronger through the twentieth century.
• National liberation movements: by the 1940s, organised political parties and armed movements across Asia and Africa were demanding self-rule.
Why 1940–1960 Matters for Fanon
This period is the hinge on which Fanon's thought turns. The chain of cause and effect runs roughly like this:
World War II exposes the moral bankruptcy of European “civilisation” (Fascism, racism, occupation)
↓
European empires emerge financially and militarily weakened
↓
Colonised soldiers who fought for Europe return radicalised, asking why they are still not free
↓
Anti-colonial movements gain momentum across Asia and Africa (India 1947, Indonesia, Indochina)
↓
The Algerian War of Independence (1954–1962) becomes the central crucible of Fanon's political life
↓
African decolonisation accelerates (1957 Ghana onward; 1960 – the “Year of Africa,” seventeen new nations)
↓
New debates emerge: is flag independence enough, or does real freedom require economic transformation?
Fanon wrote The Wretched of the Earth in the last months of his life, in the middle of this last question. His answer, worked out through the Algerian struggle, is that political independence which leaves the colonial economy untouched is only a partial liberation — a warning that anticipates almost exactly the disappointments of the following decades across the newly independent world.
2. Frantz Fanon (1925–1961): Life and Formation
Fanon's theory did not come from a library alone; it came from a life that repeatedly forced him to ask how race, medicine, violence, and economics fit together. Each stage below is read as: what happened → what Fanon experienced → the question it raised → how it shaped his theory.
Early life, Martinique
What happened: Born 1925 in Fort-de-France, Martinique, then a French colony, into a Black middle-class family; raised on French colonial education that taught him to think of himself as French.
What Fanon experienced: As a boy he did not experience himself primarily as “Black” within a white/Black hierarchy; Martinique's own internal status system worked differently.
Intellectual question produced: What happens to identity when a colonial education teaches you to identify with the coloniser's culture?
How it shaped his theory: This gap between an assimilated self-image and how he was actually seen becomes the seed of Black Skin, White Masks and of his later insistence that race and material structure cannot be separated.
World War II
What happened: Fanon left Martinique in 1943 to join the Free French Forces and fought in Europe against Nazi Germany.
What Fanon experienced: As a Black colonial soldier fighting for “liberty,” he encountered open racism from the very French comrades and civilians he was risking his life to defend.
Intellectual question produced: How can the coloniser preach universal liberty while practising racial contempt?
How it shaped his theory: This contradiction between European ideals and European racism becomes a recurring target of his critique of Enlightenment universalism.
France, medicine and psychiatry
hat happened: After the war Fanon studied medicine and then specialised in psychiatry at Lyon, influenced by progressive “social psychiatry” approaches.
What Fanon experienced: He experienced, and treated, the psychological wounds that racism inflicts — not as individual pathology but as a social and political injury.
Intellectual question produced: Can mental suffering be understood without understanding the social structure that produces it?
How it shaped his theory: Psychiatry gives Fanon his method: reading the mind as a site where social and economic domination becomes personal experience — crucial for Chapter 5 of Wretched, “Colonial War and Mental Disorders.”
Black Skin, White Masks (1952)
What happened: Fanon's first book, written out of his Lyon years, analyses the psychology of colonised Black subjects living inside a white-dominated symbolic order.
What Fanon experienced: He develops his account of the “racial epidermal schema” — how the Black body is constantly seen and defined from outside by a white gaze.
Intellectual question produced: How does colonial ideology get inside the colonised person's own self-image?
How it shaped his theory: This becomes the psychological groundwork for Wretched's later claim that colonial domination is simultaneously economic, political, and psychic.
Algeria (1953 onward)
What happened: Fanon took a post as head of psychiatry at the Blida-Joinville hospital in French Algeria in 1953, just before the war of independence began in 1954.
What Fanon experienced: He treated both French soldiers traumatised by the violence they inflicted and Algerians raumatised by torture and repression — seeing colonial violence from both sides of the wound.
Intellectual question produced: Is colonial violence an aberration, or is it the normal, structural operation of the colonial system?
How it shaped his theory: This clinical encounter directly produces Chapter 5 of Wretched and hardens his conviction that colonialism is a form of organised violence, not merely unequal administration.
Joining the FLN
What happened: In 1956 Fanon resigned his hospital post and joined the Algerian National Liberation Front (FLN), later representing it internationally and editing its newspaper El Moudjahid from Tunis.
What Fanon experienced: He moved from clinician-observer to committed revolutionary intellectual embedded in an actual anti-colonial war.
Intellectual question produced: What form must political action take once analysis identifies the problem as structural?
How it shaped his theory: His involvement in a live independence movement is what allows Wretched to speak with the authority of practice, not only theory — especially the chapters on spontaneity, national consciousness, and national culture.
Final illness and Wretched of the Earth
What happened: Diagnosed with leukaemia, Fanon dictated The Wretched of the Earth at great speed in 1961, seeking treatment in the USSR and then the United States.
What Fanon experienced: Aware that his time was short, he wrote both as a diagnosis of the colonial world and as a warning to the newly independent nations he would not live to see stabilise.
Intellectual question produced: What must the newly liberated nations be told before it is too late to change course?
How it shaped his theory: This urgency explains the book's polemical energy, especially the warnings in “The Pitfalls of National Consciousness” about the national bourgeoisie repeating colonial patterns.
Death
What happened: Fanon died on 6 December 1961 in Bethesda, Maryland, USA, months before Algeria's independence in July 1962; he was buried in Algeria.
What Fanon experienced: He did not live to see the independence he had fought for, or to see whether his warnings about the postcolonial bourgeoisie would come true.
Intellectual question produced: —
How it shaped his theory: The book was published in France in 1961 with a preface by Jean-Paul Sartre and quickly became a foundational text of anti-colonial and postcolonial thought worldwide.
3. Fanon as a Multidisciplinary Thinker
Fanon cannot be filed under one label. He worked simultaneously as psychiatrist, philosopher, Marxist-influenced political economist, anti-colonial theorist, theorist of race, theorist of culture, critic of nationalism, and revolutionary intellectual. Treating him as “only” one of these flattens the book.
The safest way to describe Fanon for an exam answer: he is a theorist who uses Marxist tools on a colonial object that classical Marxism did not fully anticipate, and who insists that race, economics, culture, and psychology have to be read together rather than ranked.
4. Introducing The Wretched of the Earth
The book is often mis-described as simply “a defence of violence.” It is far more than that. It is a study of colonial psychology, colonial violence, race, national culture, and the economics of liberation together. Sartre's preface, though influential, arguably over-emphasises the theme of violence at the expense of Fanon's equally important warnings about nationalism and economic dependency — a point later scholars (see Section 16) have pushed back on.
Why it matters for postcolonial studies: Wretched of the Earth is one of the founding texts of postcolonial theory, cited by Edward Said, Homi Bhabha, and Gayatri Spivak, and it remains central to debates on decolonisation, neocolonialism, and global inequality today.
5. Structure of the Book
6. Key Terms Before We Answer
Colonialism. Not simply “foreign political rule.” In Fanon's account it is a total system with economic dimensions (land seizure, extraction, unequal labour), racial dimensions (a hierarchy of human worth), cultural dimensions (imposed language, education, religion), geographical dimensions (a divided colonial city), and psychological dimensions (an internalised sense of inferiority in the colonised).
Imperialism. The wider system of expansion, conquest, and control that colonialism serves on the ground; imperialism links territorial expansion to the economic interests of the metropolitan (“mother country”) capitalist economy.
Decolonization. For Fanon, not a ceremony of flag-changing but, as he puts it, a genuinely “total, complete, and absolute substitution” of one social order for another — a restructuring of who owns land, controls labour, and holds political power.
Infrastructure / Base (Marxist sense). The economic foundation of a society: who owns land and capital, how labour is organised, what is produced, and how wealth is distributed.
Superstructure. Everything built “on top of” the economic base: law, government, religion, education, culture, and ideology, which in classical Marxism are shaped by, and help justify, the base.
Capitalism. An economic system built on private ownership of capital, wage labour, competitive markets, and profit accumulation.
Neocolonialism. A term sharpened by Kwame Nkrumah: a state that is formally sovereign (its own flag, government, and army) but whose economy and policy remain shaped by external powers or foreign capital.
National Bourgeoisie. The local business and professional class that inherits state power at independence; Fanon criticises it for lacking industrial capital or vision and settling for the role of trading intermediary rather than genuine economic transformer.
National Consciousness. For Fanon, the genuine, actively built solidarity and political awareness of a people, as opposed to “nationalism,” which he treats as a shallower, often chauvinistic, flag-and-slogan version of the same word.
National Culture. Not a fixed, recoverable “past” but something forged anew in the very process of struggle; each generation, Fanon says, must discover its own mission rather than repeat an inherited script.
Colonial Psychology. How the external structures of racial and economic domination become internal, lived experience — inferiority complexes, self-alienation, and (per Black Skin, White Masks) a fractured sense of identity.
Manichean Colonial World. Fanon's description of colonial society as split into two absolutely opposed zones with “no conciliation possible” — settler and native, white and black, wealth and poverty — mapped directly onto the divided colonial city.
Question 1 — “The Infrastructure Is Also the Superstructure”
Part A: The Classical Marxist Model, First
Before explaining Fanon's twist, it helps to fix the ordinary Marxist model he is reworking.
In the classical model: the economic base is primary, and it shapes (or, in more flexible readings, strongly conditions) the political, legal, and ideological superstructure built above it. The two are treated as analytically distinct levels, even when they interact.
The question Fanon forces us to ask: What happens to this two-level model when the society in question is a colonial one, organised from the start around race?
Part B: Fanon's Colonial Modification
Fanon's answer, in the opening chapter “On Violence,” is that in the colonial situation the base and the superstructure collapse into each other. Economic position and racial position are not two separate facts that happen to correlate; they are the same fact seen from two sides.
“In the colonies the economic infrastructure is also a superstructure. The cause is effect: you are rich because you are white, you are white because you are rich.”
— Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth, ch. “Concerning Violence,” Farrington translation (Grove Press), pp. 30–31
Read this sentence slowly. In a normal Marxist case, wealth (base) might be dressed up afterward by an ideology (superstructure) that says the wealthy deserve their wealth. In the colony, Fanon says, there is no “afterward”: race is not an ideological cover placed over an already-existing economic fact — race is itself one of the mechanisms that produces the economic fact. Being white is not merely correlated with being rich; in the colonial system the two become circularly, structurally identical. This is why he says the usual Marxist analysis “should always be slightly stretched” for the colonial case: class alone will not explain a system organised, from its foundation, around racial classification.
Developing the Argument Point by Point
Land is economic and racial at once. Colonial land seizure is simultaneously an economic act (transfer of a productive asset to settlers) and a racial act (only the colonised are dispossessed, only settlers are entitled to hold the best land). The economic transaction and the racial hierarchy are the same event.
Labour is economic and racial at once. Wages, job categories, and working conditions were built on racial lines: certain jobs, certain wage scales, and certain forms of coercion (forced labour, indenture) were reserved for the colonised, while settlers occupied supervisory, administrative, or capital-owning positions.
Geography becomes ideology. Fanon's description of the colonial city — a well-lit, well-fed settlers' town of “stone and steel” set against a “crouching,” “hungry” native town — shows how roads, schools, hospitals, and housing physically encode racial hierarchy. You do not need a law to see the hierarchy; you can see it in the street plan.
Race becomes material. Racial classification is not an abstract cultural belief in Fanon's colony; it is the actual gatekeeper that determines access to land, employment, education, healthcare, mobility, and political voice. Race functions economically, not just symbolically.
Ideology protects economic domination. Ideas of European “civilisation” against native “backwardness” or “savagery” are not incidental prejudice; they are the justifying language that makes continued extraction and dispossession appear natural and necessary.
Law becomes economic protection. Colonial legal systems — property law, labour law, pass laws, curfews — exist chiefly to secure settler ownership and settler safety, revealing law as an instrument of the economic base rather than a neutral superstructure above it.
Culture reproduces the hierarchy. Colonial education, the imposed colonial language, imported religious institutions, and colonial historiography (in which the coloniser is the main actor of history) train the colonised to accept the existing order, sustaining the economic system without further force being needed at every moment.
Psychology emerges from structure. The inferiority complex, alienation, and internalised racism that Fanon documents (building on Black Skin, White Masks) are not separate from the economic structure — they are what that structure feels like from the inside, over a lifetime.
“A World Cut in Two”
“The settlers' town is a strongly built town, all made of stone and steel... The town belonging to the colonized people... is a place of ill fame, peopled by men of evil repute.”
— Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth, ch. “Concerning Violence,” Farrington translation
Fanon's colonial city is the clearest possible image of the argument: economic inequality (asphalt roads vs. dirt paths, plentiful food vs. hunger) and racial division (a “town of white people” vs. “the Negro village, the medina”) occupy exactly the same map. Space → race → wealth → law → labour → education → political rights → psychology are not separate chapters of colonial life; they are one structure viewed from eight angles.
A Simple Diagram of the Argument
COLONIAL ECONOMY: land + labour + capital + resources seized and organised for extraction
↓
Organised along a RACIAL line: settler vs. native access to that economy
↓
Protected by LAW and POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS built to secure settler ownership
↓
Justified and reproduced through EDUCATION, CULTURE, and IDEOLOGY
↓
Experienced internally as PSYCHOLOGICAL domination (inferiority, alienation)
↓
Result: a stable COLONIAL SOCIAL ORDER in which base and superstructure are one
Each arrow in the chart is not a one-way causal push (base pushes superstructure) but a closed loop: the racial order justifies the economic order, and the economic order re-confirms the racial order, exactly as Fanon's “cause is effect” line states.
Question 2 — Decolonization and Global Capitalism
Fanon opens this problem by correcting a common misunderstanding.
Decolonization ≠ simply replacing European rulers with local rulers who keep the same offices, the same economy, and the same relationship to foreign capital.
For Fanon, genuine decolonisation must raise questions about economic ownership, land, resources, labour, industrial development, international trade, foreign capital, the formation of local classes, and real sovereignty — not just about who sits in the government building.
Colonialism and Capitalist Expansion
Political Independence vs. Economic Independence
Fanon's warning is precise: political liberation achieved without a matching economic transformation risks reproducing colonial economic structures under a new, formally independent government — the political shell changes while the economic skeleton does not.
The National Bourgeoisie: Fanon's Central Warning
• Who is it? The local class of traders, professionals, and administrators who step into the offices, businesses, and posts vacated by departing settlers at independence.
• How does it emerge? It grows out of the small commercial and professional roles the colonial system allowed the colonised to hold, without ever having built up its own industrial capital or technical base.
• Why does Fanon distrust it? It has, in his account, the psychology of the trader (seeking commissions and intermediary profit) rather than that of an industrial builder; it lacks the capital, engineers, and technicians to found genuinely new production.
• What happens without economic restructuring? Rather than transforming the economy, the national bourgeoisie is content, in Fanon's phrase, to be a “transmission line” passing profit between international capital and the local population, dressed in national colours.
“The national bourgeoisie discovers its historic mission: that of an intermediary. Seen through its eyes, its mission has nothing to do with transforming the nation; it consists, prosaically, of being the transmission line between the nation and a capitalism, rampant though camouflaged, which today puts on the mask of neo-colonialism.”
— Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth, ch. “The Pitfalls of National Consciousness,” Farrington translation (chapter begins p. 119)
Note the careful framing this deserves in an essay: Fanon is diagnosing a tendency and a risk that he observed forming in the Algeria and Africa of his own moment, not issuing an iron law that applies identically to every postcolonial nation in every period; some later scholars have pointed to counter-examples and to the more varied paths individual postcolonial states actually took (see Section 16).
From Colonialism to Neocolonialism: A Sequence
COLONIAL RULE: direct political domination by a foreign power
↓
POLITICAL INDEPENDENCE: flag, government, and army change hands
↓
INHERITED COLONIAL ECONOMY: same export crops, same extractive industries, same infrastructure pattern
↓
FOREIGN CAPITAL / TRADE DEPENDENCY: continued reliance on former coloniser or new external powers for capital, markets, technology
↓
LOCAL ELITE MEDIATION: the national bourgeoisie manages this relationship as intermediary
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ECONOMIC DEPENDENCE persists despite formal sovereignty
↓
NEOCOLONIAL RELATIONS: the end state Kwame Nkrumah named directly
Colonialism vs. neocolonialism, precisely: colonialism is direct political rule by a foreign power; neocolonialism is formal sovereignty combined with continuing external economic or political influence. They are related but not identical — a state can be legally, diplomatically independent while remaining economically dependent.
Fanon in Conversation with Other Thinkers
Critical Analysis: Testing Fanon's Argument
A strong postgraduate answer does not just repeat Fanon; it interrogates him. Useful questions to ask of every claim above:
• What does Fanon argue, in his own words?
• Why does he argue it — what in his biography or historical moment produces this specific claim?
• What theoretical tradition (Marxism, existentialism, psychoanalysis) is he drawing on and reworking here?
• What is genuinely original about the claim, compared with earlier anti-colonial or Marxist writing?
• What are its implications for how we understand colonial and postcolonial societies?
• What criticisms have later scholars raised?
Scholarly debate on Fanon's argument
• Nigel C. Gibson, one of the leading contemporary Fanon scholars, argues in Fanon: The Postcolonial Imagination (Polity, 2003) and Fanonian Practices in South Africa (UKZN Press / Palgrave Macmillan, 2011) that Fanon's warnings about the national bourgeoisie remain strikingly relevant to post-apartheid South Africa, where formal democracy has coexisted with persistent economic inequality — supporting Fanon's thesis empirically decades later.
• Homi K. Bhabha, in his foreword to the 2004 Philcox translation of The Wretched of the Earth (“Framing Fanon”), reads Fanon's violence and his account of colonial division through the lens of ambivalence and hybridity, complicating any reading of Fanon as endorsing violence in a simple or unconditional way.
• A counter-consideration: critics have noted that Fanon generalises from the specific, unusually violent case of settler-colonial Algeria; not every decolonisation process (for example, more negotiated transitions elsewhere) followed the same violent pattern, so the “decolonisation is always violent” claim in Chapter 1 is best read as a claim about the structural logic of settler colonialism rather than a universal empirical prediction for every case.
Fanon and the Contemporary World
Fanon is not simply a historical curiosity. His framework helps name, though it does not identically repeat, several present-day patterns:
• Global inequality and resource extraction: many formerly colonised economies remain heavily dependent on exporting raw materials (oil, minerals, cash crops) rather than higher-value manufactured goods.
• Multinational corporations and debt: foreign corporate investment and international debt can create dependency relationships that echo, without simply duplicating, the colonial pattern of external control over local resources and policy.
• Migration and racialised borders: global labour migration often reproduces racialised hierarchies of who may move freely and who may not, and whose labour is valued at what price.
• Cultural representation: debates about whose history, literature, and knowledge count as “standard” continue Fanon's concern with cultural domination.
Two small, concrete examples: first, debates over whether African nations should process their own minerals (e.g., cobalt, lithium) locally rather than exporting raw ore, echo Fanon's concern about economies confined to raw-material export; second, ongoing scholarly and policy debate about the terms of “resource-backed loans” from external lenders to African and Asian governments echoes his warning about political sovereignty coexisting with economic dependency. It is important not to claim that contemporary global capitalism simply is colonialism — historical colonial structures were transformed into different, more indirect contemporary institutions, and Fanon's value today lies in giving us a vocabulary for continuing debates about power and dependency, not a template that fits every present case exactly.
In Simple Words
““Infrastructure is also superstructure” means that in a colonial society, the economic set-up (who owns the land, who does the low-paid work, who is rich) is already organised by race and by ideology from the very start. You cannot cleanly separate “the economy” from “the racial idea” — they are built together, so a purely economic (class-only) explanation of colonial society will always miss something important.”
— Plain-language summary for revision
“Decolonisation and global capitalism: getting a new government and a new flag is not enough. If the new country still sells raw materials cheaply to its old ruler, still depends on foreign loans and foreign-owned companies, and is run by a small local elite who just steps into the settlers' old jobs, then the country is politically free but economically still tied to the old system — what Kwame Nkrumah called neocolonialism.”
— Plain-language summary for revision
Final Conclusion
Fanon's two questions are, in the end, one question asked twice. The first time, it is asked about the structure of colonial society: is the economy separate from race, or fused with it? The second time, it is asked about the process of liberation: is political independence separate from economic transformation, or must the two happen together?
COLONIALISM
↓
RACIAL HIERARCHY
↓
ECONOMIC EXPLOITATION
↓
POLITICAL DOMINATION
↓
CULTURAL / IDEOLOGICAL CONTROL
↓
PSYCHOLOGICAL EFFECTS
↓
ANTI-COLONIAL RESISTANCE
↓
DECOLONIZATION
↓
POLITICAL INDEPENDENCE
↓
THE PROBLEM OF ECONOMIC DEPENDENCE
↓
NEOCOLONIALISM / GLOBAL CAPITALISM
Read in prose rather than as a chart: colonial rule builds a racial hierarchy that is at the same time an economic hierarchy, backed by political domination, taught and reinforced through culture and ideology, and finally lived out as psychological experience. This structure produces its own resistance, which becomes decolonisation. But decolonisation, Fanon insists, is easily incomplete: it can deliver political independence while leaving the underlying economic dependence in place, which is precisely how neocolonialism and unequal global capitalism emerge on the far side of formal freedom.
Fanon's enduring contribution to postcolonial and Cultural Studies thought is the insistence that liberation must be measured not only by who governs a country, but by who owns its resources, who controls its economic relationships, who produces its accepted knowledge, and whose cultural and political worldview continues to structure everyday life after the flag has changed.
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Works Cited :
Primary Sources
• Fanon, Frantz. The Wretched of the Earth. Translated by Constance Farrington, preface by Jean-Paul Sartre, Grove Press, 1963.
• Fanon, Frantz. The Wretched of the Earth. Translated by Richard Philcox, foreword by Homi K. Bhabha, Grove Press, 2004.
• Fanon, Frantz. Black Skin, White Masks. Translated by Charles Lam Markmann, Grove Press, 1967.
• Césaire, Aimé. Discourse on Colonialism. Translated by Joan Pinkham, Monthly Review Press, 2000.
• Nkrumah, Kwame. Neo-Colonialism: The Last Stage of Imperialism. Thomas Nelson & Sons, 1965.
• Lenin, Vladimir Ilyich. Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism. 1917. Various editions.
Secondary Sources
• Bhabha, Homi K. “Foreword: Framing Fanon.” The Wretched of the Earth, by Frantz Fanon, translated by Richard Philcox, Grove Press, 2004, pp. vii–xli.
• Gibson, Nigel C. Fanon: The Postcolonial Imagination. Polity, 2003.
• Gibson, Nigel C. Fanonian Practices in South Africa: From Steve Biko to Abahlali baseMjondolo. University of KwaZulu-Natal Press / Palgrave Macmillan, 2011.
• Macey, David. Frantz Fanon: A Biography. 2nd ed., Verso, 2012.
• Rodney, Walter. How Europe Underdeveloped Africa. Bogle-L'Ouverture Publications, 1972.
• Sartre, Jean-Paul. “Preface.” The Wretched of the Earth, by Frantz Fanon, translated by Constance Farrington, Grove Press, 1963, pp. 7–26.
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